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The photo above was taken in the aftermath of a Russian airstrike in Mariupol. It circulated online, on newspaper front pages, and was argued about at the UN Security Council.
But, having survived one attack, Marianna faced another onslaught – of disinformation and hate aimed at her and her family.
As Russia attempted to sow falsehoods about the attack, 29-year-old Marianna was falsely accused of “acting”. Russian diplomats even claimed that she had “played” not one, but two different women.
Marianna Vyshemirsky smiling as she talks to the BBC on a video call.
Image caption,
Marianna on a video call during her interview with the BBC
I’ve spoken extensively to her friends and relatives, but have been trying to interview my namesake for weeks. So when she finally appears on my screen on a video call, it feels a little surreal. She tells me about her harrowing escape, and about the online abuse that came after.
“I received threats that they would come and find me, that I would be killed, that my child would be cut into pieces,” she says.
This is her first interview with a major western media outlet after being evacuated to her hometown in a part of Donbas controlled by Russian-backed separatists.
Marianna seems at ease, and is speaking to me without any preconditions, but a pro-separatist blogger is with her.
She tells me what it’s like to find herself inside an information battle – all while giving birth to her daughter Veronika in a war zone.
“She chose to show up at a difficult time,” she explains, “but it’s better she arrived under these circumstances than not at all.”
Listen to Marianna’s story on War on Truth from Radio 4, now on BBC Sounds
‘Things were turned upside down’
Life in Mariupol was very different before the war. Marianna promoted beauty products on social media, while her husband Yuri worked at the Azovstal steel works.
“We had a quiet and simple life,” she says, “and then, of course, things were turned upside down.”
Her Instagram account shows her excitement at the prospect of becoming a mother.
Marianna posted this picture on Instagram in late February, asking her followers to guess whether her baby would be a boy or a girl
IMAGE SOURCE,INSTAGRAM
Image caption,
Marianna posted this picture on Instagram in late February, asking her followers to guess whether her baby would be a boy or a girl
But by the time Marianna was admitted to hospital, Mariupol had become the most bombed city in Ukraine.
On 9 March, she was chatting with other women on the ward when an explosion shook the hospital.
She pulled a blanket over her head. Then a second explosion hit.
“You could hear everything flying around, shrapnel and stuff,” she says. “The sound was ringing in my ears for a very long time.”
The women sheltered in the basement with other civilians. Marianna suffered a forehead cut and glass fragments lodged in her skin, but a doctor told her she didn’t need stitches.
What she did need, she explains, was to retrieve her possessions from the ruins of the hospital. She asked a police officer to help her back inside.
“Everything I had prepared for my baby was in that maternity ward,” she says.
Anatomy of a lie
While she stood outside the hospital, waiting to recover her things, she was photographed by journalists from the Associated Press. They snapped her again as she descended the stairs exiting the building.
An injured pregnant woman walks downstairs in a maternity hospital damaged by shelling in Mariupol, Ukraine, Wednesday, March 9, 2022
IMAGE SOURCE,AP
Those images quickly went viral. And that’s when false allegations that the pictures were “staged” first appeared on a pro-Kremlin Telegram channel. Marianna’s beauty blogging was used to suggest she was an “actor” who had used makeup to fake injuries.
These falsehoods were repeated and amplified by senior Russian officials and state media.
They even claimed that a photo of another pregnant woman on a stretcher was also Marianna, even though it’s clear that the photos are of different people. The woman on the stretcher and her unborn child later died from their injuries.
This tweet from the Russian Embassy in London containing false information was taken down by Twitter
IMAGE SOURCE,TWITTER
Image caption,
This tweet from the Russian Embassy in London containing false information was taken down by Twitter
Fleeing and without internet access, Marianna didn’t see those images until days later.
By that point, her Instagram was inundated with accusatory and threatening messages. She found both the trolling and the false allegations shocking.
“It was really offensive to hear that, because I actually lived through it all,” she says. But she refrains from directly criticising the Russian officials who spread the false information about her.
Instead, she criticises the Associated Press.
“I was offended that the journalists who had posted my photos on social media had not interviewed other pregnant women who could confirm that this attack had really happened.”
She suggests this may help explain why some people “got the impression that it was all staged”. But by Marianna’s own account she was one of the last patients to be evacuated, and that was when the AP journalists arrived. The journalists interviewed other people at the scene. And they had nothing to do with the subsequent false story spread by Russian officials. We approached the AP for comment.
The search for Marianna
In the days after the attack, Marianna gave birth to Veronika in another hospital.
Marianna Vishegirskaya lies in a hospital bed after giving birth to her daughter Veronika, in Mariupol,
IMAGE SOURCE,AP
Image caption,
Marianna in a different hospital after giving birth to her daughter, several days after the bombing
Like thousands of others, Marianna and Yuri were desperately trying to escape Mariupol. For weeks, it was largely impossible to make contact with them. Eventually Marianna’s relatives told me the couple had got out of the city, but their whereabouts were unclear. Then in early April, they resurfaced in the Donbas region.
She filmed an interview with Denis Seleznev, a blogger who is a vocal supporter of Russian-backed separatists. There was speculation how free she was to say what she wanted.
Marianna says to me: “I had to describe the whole situation, as I saw it with my own eyes.”
My conversation with her was also arranged via Denis. Marianna speaks to me from his home. He is present throughout our chat but doesn’t interrupt. Marianna’s relatives and friends have assured me she is now safe.
line
War in Ukraine: More coverage
The Mariupol street strewn with bodies
Ukraine war fakes thrive on TikTok
DISINFO: How Russia replaces Ukrainian media with its own
IN MAPS: Tracking the invasion
READ MORE: Full coverage of the crisis
line
Piecing together the truth
Much of what she says in her interview with me undermines the Russian government’s mistruths.
The Kremlin wrongly and repeatedly suggested the hospital that was attacked was Mariupol’s hospital number one, and that it was no longer operational.
But the BBC’s disinformation team identified the hospital where Marianna was – hospital number three.
map of hospitals in Mariupol
We contacted the Russian Embassy in London for comment.
Marianna confirms that the hospital was definitely treating her and other patients – contrary to Russian claims that it was not functioning as a health care facility.
Russia also claimed that the hospital had been taken over by the Azov regiment – the controversial Ukrainian nationalist group that has been linked with neo-Nazis, allegations they themselves deny.
Comments Marianna made in her interview with Denis were cherry-picked by Russian officials to claim soldiers forced Marianna and the other pregnant women to act as human shields.
But Marianna told me there were no Ukrainian military stationed in the building where she was. She says she saw Ukrainian soldiers in the oncology unit in the building opposite the maternity unit. It’s unclear whether they were based there or not.
Nevertheless, Marianna’s interview with Denis Seleznev was used by the Kremlin to suggest further falsehoods.
Russian officials have seized on her comments that she doesn’t believe the explosions at the hospital were caused by an airstrike, implying that the damage was Ukrainian shelling.
“The typical sound a plane makes when it flies overhead is impossible to miss,” Marianna tells me, saying that she did not hear one.
But here she is mistaken. The AP journalists documented evidence it was an airstrike, including video where a plane can be heard. At the scene both a soldier and a police officer say the attack was an airstrike.
Also visible in photos is a huge crater which munition experts say could only have been caused by an airstrike.
“I personally did not see this crater, but I saw the video of it,” Marianna says. “In reality I can’t blame anyone – because I didn’t see with my own eyes where for certain [the explosions] came from.”
Target for trolls
This fresh controversy sparked a new wave of online vitriol.
“Some people said that I was an actress, others said that I was lying about the fact that there were no air raids,” she says.
Even some she regarded as friends don’t believe her. Fellow beauty blogger Yaroslava lives in Russia and continues to believe state TV claims that Marianna was acting.
“I think that Marianna played her part. That Ukraine needed the Ukrainian military to blame everything on Russia.” Yaroslava told me. She’s since unfollowed Marianna on Instagram – and doesn’t want to speak to her again.
“It’s a pity when people I know believe in something that I haven’t done,” Marianna says.
But she brightens whenever the conversation turns to baby Veronika.
Marianna has returned to blogging and in a recent post told readers to stick around if they were interested in “cosmetics, nappies and the everyday life of a new mum”.
Her message to those who want to send her hate was “go in peace”.
But unwillingly finding herself at the centre of an information war – as the military conflict continues – has changed Marianna’s life forever.
“You know, for now I’m not thinking about my hopes or making plans, because we don’t know what tomorrow will bring.”
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Jeanne LeGall, of Buffalo, hugs Claudia Carballada, of Buffalo, as she gets emotional, as she pays her respects at an makeshift memorial as people gather at the scene of a mass shooting at Tops Friendly Market at Jefferson Avenue and Riley Street on Sunday, May 15, 2022 in Buffalo, NYIMAGE SOURCE,GETTY IMAGES
By Shayan Sardarizadeh
BBC Monitoring
The racially motivated attack that left 10 people dead at a New York state supermarket is just the latest example of violence inspired by online extremism.
The shooting spree in Buffalo followed the exact blueprint of similar attacks around the US and the world.
It’s also happened in Pittsburgh, Christchurch, Poway, El Paso and Halle – internet-radicalised racist white men deliberately targeting members of a specific community, leaving extensive trails chronicling their extreme views online.
How did the perpetrators get immersed in extremist online subcultures? And what can be done to tackle the violence that springs from these groups?
Radicalised online
Like others before him, Payton Gendron, 18, the main suspect behind the Buffalo attack, posted a lengthy so-called “manifesto” explaining his motives and beliefs.
Some of the text is copied and pasted from similar racist manifestos written by 2019 Christchurch mass murderer Brenton Tarrant and other violent assailants. Gendron cites Tarrant as his main inspiration and gateway into the world of online extremism and white supremacy.
All of the recent far-right assailants cite the internet as the starting place for their journeys towards radicalisation. Their manifestos and writings show they were well-versed in the online subcultures, conspiracy theories and memes, and used those to deliberately “troll” or misinform.
Notably, all of them are committed anti-Semites and Holocaust deniers, and cite a wide range of conspiracy theories.
Nearly all of them reference “white genocide” and “white replacement” conspiracy theories, as well as their resentment of immigrants and minority groups, as the bedrock of their belief system and the main motivation for their violence.
“The idea of a ‘white genocide’ creates a sense of urgency and of the need for immediate action,” says Rajan Basra, a researcher from the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation (ICSR) at King’s College London.
“For white nationalists this can be a powerful motivator, and time and time again they have violently acted on it.”
Aftermath of mass shooting at grocery store in Buffalo, New York
IMAGE SOURCE,EPA
The Buffalo attacker also posted nearly 700 pages of his private diary, dating back seven months – copies of which the BBC has read.
The logs are a window into the mind of a clearly troubled young man who regularly spoke about his addiction to gaming and surfing extreme online circles.
He carried out extensive research and several reconnaissance journeys to the grocery store in Buffalo to carefully plan the manner and timing of his attack, and practised mock versions.
He briefly mentions getting into trouble with authorities a year earlier after writing something that alarmed them.
The BBC is not responsible for the content of external sites.
View original tweet on Twitter
There are brief moments of doubt, as he wonders whether he will be able to carry out a mass shooting without “messing up”.
There are also graphic details of an act of animal cruelty and suicidal thoughts for failing to carry out the attack on the date he’d initially planned.
Packed full of racist and anti-Semitic conspiracy theories, memes, hoaxes and and in-jokes, his manifesto is also clearly influenced by the message board 4chan, one of the biggest and most controversial hubs of internet subculture. It is the birthplace of many famous online memes, harassment and trolling campaigns, as well as social, political and conspiratorial movements.
4chan datapic 2
Gendron references a 4chan board devoted to guns, and says he was radicalised by the /pol/ or “politically incorrect” board. He also mentions other extreme online spaces he visited, including the neo-Nazi website The Daily Stormer.
The attacker also live-streamed his killings on the video streaming platform Twitch with a camera mounted on his helmet. Like Tarrant, he wrote white supremacist slogans and racial slurs on his firearm.
The stream was only watched by 22 people and Twitch took it down within minutes. However, copies were in wide circulation online within hours, drawing millions of views on Facebook and other platforms.
Maximum impact
The combination of an online manifesto and video livestream is done to generate maximum media impact and spread the killer’s views as far and wide as possible.
Copies of the video and manifesto will probably be shared online for years to come, for propaganda purposes and as a recruitment tool. And although mainstream social networks will remove copies, there are many fringe websites where the video can be easily found.
Eliminating content from the internet is more or less impossible. For instance, after the violence in the US city of Charlottesville in 2017, the neo-Nazi Daily Stormer came under pressure from hosting and web protection companies.
But with enough effort, that site can still be found online, and the Buffalo attacker claims to have been a regular visitor.
Why Cloudflare kicked out the neo-Nazis
Neo-Nazi site loses web defences
And as previously seen with fringe platforms like 8chan – where the manifestos of three killers appeared in quick succession in 2019 – even if access to one website is cut off, new ones will pop up in no time.
“On the internet, there will always be a home – however niche or obscure – for extremist content,” says Mr Basra of the ISCR.
The rambling documents aim to inspire the next racist shooter, just as Gendron himself took inspiration from Brenton Tarrant, and Tarrant from Norwegian neo-Nazi murderer Anders Breivik.
“People once shunted to the fringes can form whole cultic [online] communities around the globe,” says author and journalist David Neiwert, who has been writing about far-right extremism for decades.
“One of the results of this is that far-right domestic terrorism has taken on a chain or serial aspect: one act of violence inspiring the next inspiring the next,” he says.
Black Buffalo residents tell of grief and fear
Christchurch and the new threat of far-right violence
US gunman deliberately sought black victims – mayor
LISTEN: What is 4chan?
Graphic showing the stages of the shooting’s location
Federal preventative programmes
In response to the rise of home-grown terrorist attacks, many governments have attempted to draw up counter-terrorism plans to prevent such tragedies.
The UK government’s Prevent scheme is one example. Although criticised for failing to deter some people known to authorities, like Ali Harbi Ali, the Islamist extremist who killed MP Sir David Amess, the government claims it has stopped hundreds of would-be terrorists.
No similar scheme exists in the US. In June 2021, the White House released a national plan for countering domestic terrorism. The plan focuses mostly on law enforcement efforts and includes $77 million in grants for local police forces.
Mr Neiwert says that while US law enforcement is empowered to become engaged when criminal activities are being discussed online, there’s little they can do until a suspect takes action.
The assailant in Buffalo did not fly entirely under the radar. Last year, his brush with the authorities resulted in a short stay in a hospital undergoing a mental health evaluation.
New York state has a law that allows police to confiscate the guns of people considered dangerous. Local police and the FBI will now face questions about whether they could have done more.
But the larger problem remains: a global leaderless movement of young violent extremists, radicalised on the internet, some of whom are prepared to launch deadly attacks against innocent people.
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Neymar wearing the yellow Brazil home shirt, number 10
Brazil are among the favourites for this year’s World Cup in Qatar
When the much-awaited Brazil 2022 World Cup shirt was released in August, student João Vitor Gonçalves de Oliveira rushed to get his hands on the kit.
The 20-year-old went to the nearest store, grabbed the famous yellow and green top and took it to the till, where he was met with an excited smile.
“The shop owner assumed I support the current government because I was buying the shirt, and started to rage against left-wing candidate Lula,” João tells the BBC.
João does not support the government of Jair Bolsonaro, who is standing for re-election on Sunday. But buying the shirt, he realised in the store, could make people think he did.
In order to avoid confrontation, João pretended to be a Bolsonaro supporter. It was another sign that the yellow and green shirt – made famous by Pele, Ronaldo, and many others – has become a symbol of a divided nation.
Brazil’s football team at the 1966 World Cup in England.
Brazil’s football team at the 1966 World Cup in England
“The shirt has become stained with political meaning since 2014,” says Mateus Gamba Torres, a history professor at the University of Brasília.
Eight years ago, millions of Brazilians took to the streets to protest against the then-President, Dilma Rousseff, dressed in the colours of the flag as they demanded the left-winger’s impeachment.
Then in 2018, the colours were again used by the current president – far-right Jair Bolsonaro.
This year too, green, yellow and blue are the key colours at Mr Bolsonaro’s rallies, with people wearing T-shirts, the national flag and accessories.
“The green and yellow shirt has become a symbol of those related to Bolsonaro’s government,” Mr Gamba Torres says, “which means a good part of the population no longer identify with it.”
Former Brazilian president Lula at a campaign rally in Manaus.
Former Brazilian president Lula standing in front of the Brazilian flag on-screen at a campaign rally in Manaus
João’s encounter with the shop owner is not the only reason he is now hesitant to talk politics. In Brazil, political disputes can seemingly get deadly.
In July, Marcelo Aloizio de Arruda – a supporter of former president and left-wing candidate Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva – was shot dead at his 50th birthday party, allegedly by a police officer shouting in support of right-wing President Bolsonaro.
Before he died, Mr Arruda retaliated and shot his alleged attacker – who spent some time in hospital before being sent to prison, where he awaits trial.
And on 9 September, 44-year-old Benedito Cardoso dos Santos was allegedly killed by a colleague, following a heated political discussion between the two. The 22-year-old suspect remains in police custody.
Tech programmer Ruy Araújo Souza Júnior, 43, tells BBC News he will only wear the shirt at home, to avoid being mistaken for a Bolsonaro supporter.
If ex-President Lula wins the election, he hopes the shirt will “once again unite us and symbolise true love of our country, not a political party”.
Left-wing candidate Lula has focused on “reclaiming” the flag. Several of his supporters, such as singer Ludmilla, international star Anitta, and rapper Djonga, have made a point of wearing the shirt during their performances.
Djonga, who was part of Nike’s official campaign for the Brazilian World Cup kit, told a crowd at one concert that wearing the shirt in public was an act of protest.
“They [Bolsonaro supporters] think everything is theirs, they appropriate the meaning of family, they appropriate our national anthem, they appropriate everything,” he said. “But here’s the truth: everything is ours, nothing is theirs.”
But it’s not just Mr Bolsonaro’s opponents who are wary of wearing the shirt.
“I’m a patriot and right-wing. I really want to vote wearing my yellow shirt,” says Bolsonaro supporter Alessandra Passos, 41.
But due to the tense environment between voters, she says, she is “afraid to wear it on voting day”.
Richarlison kisses the Brazil badge
Richarlison celebrates scoring in a friendly win over Ghana in September
But what do the footballers themselves think of the shirt becoming a political symbol? Brazil and Tottenham forward Richarlison says the connotations disconnect Brazilians from the shirt and the flag, taking away part of the country’s shared identity.
“As a fan, player and Brazilian, I do my best to spread the identification we have with them to the whole world. I believe it’s important to recognise that we are all Brazilians and have Brazilian blood [above anything else].”
And Nike’s advertising campaign for the new shirt features personalities from different sides of the political spectrum – focusing on togetherness as its main topic. The shirt, Nike says, is “collective. It represents more than 210 million Brazilians. It’s ours”.
The brand also banned the customisation of shirts with political references or religious terms. Yet many Brazilians still chose to purchase the blue away shirt instead, which sold out a few hours after its release.
Pedro in Brazil’s new blue shirt, after scoring against Tunisia in a friendly this week
Pedro in Brazil’s new blue shirt, after scoring against Tunisia in a friendly this week
Futsal (a form of indoor football popular in Brazil) coach Matheus Rocha, 28, tells BBC News he has decided to wear the blue shirt this year.
“I don’t feel any desire to wear the yellow shirt,” he says. “Actually, the idea of wearing it repulses me, I don’t even take my old ones out of my drawer. It’s a shame, because the shirt itself is gorgeous.”
He says the same sentiment was shared among his friendship group and colleagues. “RIP yellow shirt,” he says. “And I hope Brazil wins its sixth World Cup title in blue for the people.”
Although many share Matheus’s sentiments, the shirt is still popular with other football fans across the country.
Supporter group Movimento Verde e Amarelo (Green and Yellow movement) thinks the World Cup will help get Brazilians back behind the yellow shirt.
“We don’t agree with those who insist the Seleção’s yellow shirt is dead, it’s just sad to see it being used as an excuse for political clashes,” says Luiz Carvalho, founding member of the group.
“It makes no sense to say the yellow shirt doesn’t represent this or that politician when the whole idea behind it is exactly the opposite,” he adds.
“When our team enter the pitch, so does the pride we have as Brazilians. So whatever happens in the October polls, the love we share should prevail, as it always did.”
At a rally for President Bolsonaro on Tuesday, the national colours featured heavily
At a rally for President Bolsonaro on Tuesday, the national colours featured heavily
And yet, for some Bolsonaro supporters, the shirt has become an even bigger symbol of patriotic love – taking on a new life during his government.
“There was no sense of patriotism before Bolsonaro’s government, because leftist governments don’t wear our flag,” Adriana Moraes do Nascimento, 49, tells the BBC.
“Thank God our president loves Brazil and he has saved these values for us.”
To Adriana, the shirt used only refer to football and now shows love for the country.
“If the left wins the election, the flag will disappear once again,” she says. “Have you ever seen a flag in their hands? No. But that is not going to happen, as President Bolsonaro will win.”
This is the first time Brazil’s presidential election has been so closely aligned with the World Cup, both in its timeline and in social discussions.
Professor Gamba Torres says Brazilians need to disassociate the shirt with politics. “A shirt is just a shirt,” he says.
“Of course it has meanings, but it ultimately doesn’t represent one specific government. Governments come and go, but our country and our team will always exist.”
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